Publications of Sitter, N.
The Four Horsemen of Terrorism: It's Not Waves, It's Strains
David Rapoport's concept of Four Waves of terrorism, from Anarchist terrorism in the 1880s, through Nationalist and Marxist waves in the early and mid-twentieth century, to the present Religious Wave, is one of the most influential concepts in terrorism studies. However, this article argues that thinking about different types of terrorism as strains rather than waves better reflects both the empirical reality and the idea that terrorists learn from and emulate each other. Whereas the notion of waves suggests distinct iterations of terrorist violence driven by successive broad historical trends, the concept of strains and contagion emphasizes how terrorist groups draw on both contemporary and historical lessons in the development of their tactics, strategies, and goals. The authors identify four distinct strains in total—Socialist, Nationalist, Religious, and Exclusionist—and contend that it is possible to trace each strain back to a “patient zero” active in the 1850s.
A Liberal Actor in A Realist World: The EU Regulatory State and the Global Political Economy of Energy
Since 1992, the European Union has put liberalisation at the core of its energy policy agenda. This aspiration was very much in line with an international political economy driven by the neo-liberal (Washington) consensus. The central challenge for the EU is that the energy world has changed, while the EU has not. The rise of Asian energy consumers (China and India), more assertive energy producers (Russia), and the threat of climate change have securitized the IPE of energy, and turned it more 'realist'. The main research question is therefore: 'What does a liberal actor do in a realist world?' The overall answer as far as the EU is concerned is that it approaches energy challenges as a problem of market failure: imperfect competition on the supply side; inadequate supply of public goods on the demand side and in terms of infrastructure; and large externalities that arise both from non-energy events and from large-scale consumption of fossil fuels. A Liberal Actor in a Realist World assesses the changing nature of the global political economy of energy and the European Union's response, and the external dimension of the regulatory state. The book concludes that the EU's soft power has a hard edge, which is derived primarily from its regulatory power. This works best when it targets companies rather than governments, and it is more effective in the 'Near Abroad' than at the global level. This makes the EU emerge an actor in its own right in the global political economy of energy - a 'Regulatory Power Europe'.
A liberal actor in a realist world? The Commission and the external dimension of the single market for energy
This article investigates the European Commission's external energy policy through the lens of the regulatory state. It argues that because of the nature of its institutions, policy tools and resources, the Commission remains a liberal actor even as the world leaves the benign pro-market environment of the 1990s and becomes more mercantilist – or ‘realist’. The article tests seven hypotheses related to two key challenges as perceived by the Commission: building energy markets, and making them work. It finds that the Commission seeks to project the single market beyond its jurisdiction to deal with transit infrastructure problems; extend international regimes to cover energy trade; deal with monopolists such as Gazprom through classical competition policy; and fix global energy market failures with clear regulatory state tools. Importantly, however, some actions by the Commission can be seen as an attempt to counterbalance external actors, or as second-best efforts to address energy market failures.
The EU's Soft Power with a Hard Edge in Energy: Implications for EU Policy Strategy and Energy Security
The biggest energy policy challenge that the European Union faces besides climate change is security of supply. Policy recommendations on EU energy security commonly either invoke the need for more EU hard power – such as stronger external energy policy, a tougher stance towards Russia, stronger “pipeline diplomacy” with alternative suppliers of oil and gas – or more attractive soft power – primarily a matter of improving the working of the single energy market and persuading non-EU states in the near abroad to adopt similar market-oriented regimes. This brief assesses the EU’s policy tools in the energy sector, and explores whether what might be labelled ‘soft power with a hard edge’ can amount to a consistent and realistic policy strategy.
Fra motspiller til medspiller: EU og norsk profesjonell fotball 1995-2010
In 1995, the European Court of Justice’s ruling that professional football had to adhere to EU’s Single Market rules prompted a strong and negative reaction from clubs and associations right across Europe. The Bosman ruling obliged the European Commission to clarify the status of football as a commercial activity, the three key issues being player transfers, quotas for foreign players and commercial media rights. This article explores Norwegian reactions to Bosman and the subsequent development of a new regime for professional football. Initially, Norwegian actors saw the ruling as a threat. However, the Commission soon engaged in a dialogue with UEFA with a view to a compromise that would preserve both EU rules and the values central to Norwegian and European football. Norwegian representation in UEFA’s leadership provided national actors with information and insight into opportunities for adaptation. The article illustrates a form of Europeanization that has received limited attention in the literature on Europeanization: namely mutual adaptation.
National identity and constitutionalism in Europe: Introduction
The article discusses various reports published within the issue, including one on how identification between a people and its constitution can be established when there are conflicts over core values, another on how an ethnically homogeneous state with a liberal constitution, nationhood and citizenship remain dominant issues in constitutional politics in Hungary, as well as a case study concerning Spain which emphasizes the importance of reaching a negotiated settlement acceptable to all parties even at the cost of a coherent constitutional arrangement.
The marriage of state and nation in European constitutions
This article maps out the role played by national identity in modern European constitutions. It does this by comparing its impact on constitutions across Gellner's time zones of European nationalism, and shows how the impact of nationalism has increased gradually over time, and is now strongest in Central and Eastern Europe. It concludes with a reflection on why this has been the case, and why constitutional politics have increasingly lent themselves to nationalist influences in the modern era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
If You Can't Beat Them, Join Them? Explaining Social Democratic Responses to the Challenge from the Populist Radical Right in Western Europe
Over the last three decades many Western European social democratic parties have been challenged by populist radical right parties. The growth and success of parties on the right flank of the party system represents a triple challenge to the social democrats: they increase the salience of issues traditionally 'owned' by the right; they appeal to working-class voters who traditionally support the centre left; and they may facilitate the formation of centre-right governments. This article explores social democratic parties' strategic options in the face of this challenge, and tests the widespread assumption that the centre-left parties respond by taking a tougher stance on issues related to immigration and integration. Comparative analysis of developments in Austria, Denmark, the Netherlands and Norway reveals significant variation in the substance, scope and pace of the strategic responses of their social democratic parties. And it suggests that those responses are influenced not only by the far right but also by the reactions of mainstream centre-right parties and by parties on their left (and liberal) flank. Internal disunity, potential or actual, is also an important factor.
Differentiated Integration: What is it and How Much Can the EU – Accommodate?
How much differentiated integration can the European Union accommodate? Not all member states are equally eager or able to participate in all aspects of integration, and the impact of EU policy on the member states varies across states and policy sectors. Whereas much of the literature on differentiated integration has focused primarily on formal opt-outs, this article widens the term to capture both the formal and informal arrangements for policy opt-outs as well as the differences, or discretionary aspects, associated with putting EU policy into practice. The article draws on organisational theory to elaborate a broad and flexible understanding of European integration that links the literature on integration and Europeanisation, and proceeds to explore different types of European integration. The core question is therefore: what is differentiated integration, and how much can the EU accommodate? Is differentiated integration a robust path for the EU project?
Book Review: Milada A. Vachudova: Europe Undivided: Democracy, Leverage & Integration after Communism
Vachudová, M. A. (2005). Europe undivided: Democracy, leverage, and integration after communism. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Book Review: Knut Heidar: Nordic Politics: Comparative Perspectives
Heidar, K. (2004). Nordic politics Comparative perspectives. Oslo: Universitetsforlaget.
Civil wars, party politics and the consolidation of regimes in twentieth century Europe
The present article explores how winners' and losers' strategies for competition influence the possibility of democratization after civil war. Civil wars have been pivotal events in many states, but there has been little analysis of how they affect democratization. Since most have been won by the political right in twentieth century Europe one expects a correlation between civil war and the imposition of authoritarian solution to political conflicts. However, an analysis of five civil wars shows a wide variety in the patterns of political dominance achieved by the winners, ranging from total clampdown in Spain to the winners relinquishing power, as in Ireland. In between, Finland, Greece and Hungary combined various degrees of open competition with restrictions on the losers. In effect democratization can be as likely an outcome of civil war as regression to authoritarianism. Explaining the variation in outcomes of the five cases is the objective of this article.
Cleavages, competition and coalition-building : Agrarian parties and the European question in Western and East Central Europe
The central argument in this article is that Europeanisation of party politics 2013 the translation of issues related to European integration into domestic party politics 2013 is driven by the dynamics of long- and short-term party strategy. Variations in the patterns of Euroscepticism found in agrarian parties across Europe is therefore explained in terms of three central variables: the agrarian parties' long-term policy goals linked to identity and interest; their position in the party systems and the mainstream left- and right-wing parties' stance on European integration; and their long- and short-term electoral strategies and office-related incentives.
Book Review: Hanne Marthe Narud, Mogens N. Pedersen and Henry Valen (eds):Party Sovereignty and Citizen Control: Selecting Candidates for Parliamentary Elections in Denmark, Finland, Iceland and Norway
Narud, H. M., Pedersen, M. N., & Valen, H. (2002). Party sovereignty and citizen control: Selecting candidates for parliamentary elections in Denmark, Finland, Iceland and Norway. University of Southern Denmark studies in history and social sciences, v. 253. Odense, DK: University Press of Southern Denmark.
Book Review : Helen Wallace: Interlocking Dimensions of European Integration Edited
Wallace, H. (2001). Interlocking dimensions of European integration. One Europe or several?. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave.
Euro-scepticism as party strategy: Persistence and change in party-based opposition to European integration
The parties that have adopted principled or contingent positions opposed to participation in European integration span most of the political spectrum. Yet even a cursory glance at the European scene reveals that the mainstream center-left and right parties rend not to adopt principled Euro-skepticism, although they may oppose aspects of European integration when policy preferences clash. With a few significant exceptions, principled opposition has been constrained to parties at the flanks of the system or parties that represent specific interests or identities. Starting with the premise that a party's decision to adopt or modify a Euro-skeptic stance is a strategic decision, this paper explores the roots of party-based Euro-skepticism and the dynamics of its persistence and change. Party strategy is linked inextricably to the party's position in the party system, and is made up of the party's efforts to reconcile the four main goals that almost define political parties: organizational survival, and the pursuit of policy, votes and office. Although many, if not most, parties pursue strategies that are associated with the catch-all or cartel model of political parties, a significant number of parties have chosen alternative or mixed strategies. Parties' propensities for and incentives regarding Euro-skepticism are explored in relation to those different strategies. [W]hy do parties adopt Euro-skeptic positions, and why do they change these? The "taming of the shrew," or softening of Euro-skepticism, may be driven by changes in any of the four goals or the context in which they are pursued, or a combination thereof.
Ever Closer Cooperation? The Limits of the 'Norwegian Method' of European Integration
The 'No' majorities in two referendums on European Community/Union (EC/EU) membership have set clear formal limits to Norway's participation in European integration. However, pro-EU parliamentary majorities have tended to produce governments that seek as close cooperation with the EU as possible. This involves a kind of quasi-membership of the EU, particularly in the light of cooperation beyond the limits of the European Economic Area (EEA). The result has been a 'Norwegian method' of European integration that combines access to the Single Market with efforts to 'purchase' participation in other policy areas and adapt to changing EU policies, legislation and treaties. Given the supranational character of the EU's Single Market rules, this kind of quasi-membership goes considerably further than non-members' participation in most other international organisations. Although the EEA system has worked to the parties' satisfaction, Norway's efforts to keep up with a changing Single Market, maintain the institutions in the face of treaty change and enlargement, and accommodate new developments pertaining to the EU's second and third pillars represent considerable challenges to the Norwegian method of integration.
Book Review: David Arter (ed): From Farmyard to City Square? The Electoral Adaptation of the Nordic Agrarian Parties Edited
Arter, D. (2001). From farmyard to city square?: The electoral adaptation of the Nordic agrarian parties. Aldershot, Hants, England: Ashgate.
Cleavages, Party Strategy and Party System Change in Europe East and West
This article analyses the development of competitive party poli tics in post-communist East Central Europe from a comparative perspective.The central concerns are party system stabilisation and change in Hungary, Poland, the Czech Republic and Slovakia, and implications for comparative theory. Starting from Lipset and Rokkan’s ‘cleavage model’, the article assesses the relevance of their key variables for party politics in the 1990s. Although there are considerable similarities (particularly in termsof choice of electoral systems), the cleavages, relationships between voters and parties, and the very nature of parties all differ considerably from the early Twentieth Century West European cases. Party strategy emerges as the key variable in explaining patterns of party system stability and change.Variations result from: (i) the prevalence of catch-all type strategies; (ii) interest representation strategies; and (iii) the presence of parties that have staked out positionson the anks of the system. The conclusions concerning the central role of party strategy are not con ned to East Central Europe, but are also pertinent to the study of party system change in Western Europe.
Book Review: Anna Bosco: Comunisti: Trasformazioni di Partito in Italia, Spagna e Portogallo
Bosco, A. (2000). Comunisti: Trasformazioni di partito in Italia, Spagna e Portogallo. Bologna: Il mulino.
Defence Procurement in the European Union?
Despite considerable efforts to integrate, or at least co-ordinate, defence procurement in the European Union, progress has been modest. Although some initiatives have been developed recently, the prospects for a common defence procurement policy remain remote.
Opposing Europe: Euro-Scepticism, Opposition and Party Competition
Euro-scepticism plays and increasingly significant and controversial role in West European party politics. It features across the political spectrum, and several parties’positions on the European question have changed over time. The present paper sets out a model that casts Euro-scepticism as the ‘politics of opposition’, rejecting suggestions that it represents a cleavage or a single issue. Hard (principled) and soft (contingent) Euroscepticism is driven by a combination of a party’s identity, policies, electoral strategy and quest for office, in the context of the party system in question. The first pattern of opposition, competition between catch-all parties, is not associated with Euro-scepticism,and if at all only of the soft variety and then in opposition. Parties that adopt the second pattern, cross-cutting opposition based on values or interest, have a greater propensity toward Euro-scepticism, but this may be mitigated by electoral or coalition strategy concerns. Third, opposition at the flanks of the party system links the far left and right to Euro-scepticism in terms of anti-system protest. However, party based Euro-scepticism among flanking parties depends partly on whether other parties have crowded out the Euro-sceptic space. The extent to which changes in strategy and tactics affects policy stances provides a dynamic element that explains changes in party stances on European integration better than merely relying on policy. Party based Euro-scepticism is thereforepresented as a product of party strategy, or ‘the politics of opposition’.
The Politics of Opposition and European Integration in Scandinavia: Is Euro-scepticism a Government-Opposition Dynamic
Scandinavian party competition has incorporated divisions over European integration to a greater degree than most West European party systems, but with considerable variation in Norway, Sweden and Denmark. From a comparative politics perspective this raises questions about the relatively high salience of Euro-scepticism in Scandinavian politics, the differences between the three cases and changes over time. The central argument in this article is that Europeanisation of party politics – the translation of issues related to European integration into domestic party politics – is driven by the dynamics of long- and short-term government-opposition competition, and the key driver of change is party strategy. Whether at the centre or extremes of the party system, Euro-scepticism is a product of party competition — and is, both in its origins and development, 'the politics of opposition '.
Book Review: David McKay: Federalism and the EU: A Political Economy Perspective
Federalism and European Union: A Political Economy PerspectiveBook by David Mckay; Oxford University Press, 1999