Publications of Enyedi, Z.

Enyedi Z, Rona D. Governmental and Oppositional Populism: Competition and Division of Labor. In: Wolinetz S, Zaslove A, editors. Absorbing the Blow: The Impact of Populist Parties on European Party Systems. Colchester: ECPR Press; 2018. p. 251-72.

Governmental and Oppositional Populism: Competition and Division of Labor

The significance of populist parties and their presence in party systems is undeniable. Parties like the Dutch Freedom Party, the French National Front, and the Five Star Movement in Italy rank among the largest political parties in their party systems. Absorbing the Blow examines the effect of populist parties on eleven European party systems. The results are mixed. The book finds that impact often depends on the influence that populist parties have had on mainstream political parties -- those that hitherto dominated party competition. In some instances, populist parties reinforce existing patterns of competition and government formation. Party systems that were bipolar continue to be bipolar. In others change occurs, either because populist parties make it difficult for mainstream parties to form coalitions that were hitherto possible, or because their presence allows mainstream parties to form coalitions that were not previously conceivable. This collection seeks to analyse the way in which mainstream parties absorb the blow of populist party activity, and concludes that populist parties are one of several factors contributing to changes in party systems.

Enyedi Z, Mölder M. Populisms in Europe: Leftist, Rightist, Centrist and Paternalist-Nationalist Challengers. In: Herman L, Muldoon J, editors. Trumping the Mainstream: The Conquest of Mainstream Democratic Politics by Far-Right Populism. London: Routledge; 2018. p. 54-94.

Populisms in Europe: Leftist, Rightist, Centrist and Paternalist-Nationalist Challengers

The chapter demonstrates that populist parties group to leftist, centrist, neoliberal and paternalistic-nationalistic types. The leftist populists are clearly distinct from the rest both culturally and economically, while the borders between the latter three are fluid. The prototypical populist parties tend to be right-wing on the cultural dimension, but more likely than the non-populists to combine this orientation with leftist views on the economy. The paternalist–nationalist populists as well as the left populists have recently turned towards more emphasis on the national way of life. Populism does not explicitly challenge the constitutional order of liberal democracy, but there is some evidence of a tendency towards increased Euroscepticism for both populists and non-populists.

Institutionalization and de-institutionalization in post-communist party systems

In an article written in 1995 titled “What Is Different about Postcommunist Party Systems?” Peter Mair applied the method that he called “ex adverso extrapolation.” He matched his knowledge of the process of consolidation of party systems in the West with what was known at that time about Eastern European history, society, and the emerging post-communist party politics. Considering factors such as the existence of fluid social structures, the weakness of civil society, or the destabilizing impact of the so-called triple transition, his article predicted long-term instability for the region. In the present article, we evaluate the validity of Mair’s predictions, thereby also contributing to a lively debate in the current literature about the scale and nature of East–West differences and about the trajectories of the two regions. Going beyond the identification of cross-regional similarities and differences, we also differentiate between individual party systems, establish subgroups, and describe changes across time. Using four major dimensions (i.e., party system closure, party-level stability, electoral volatility, and fragmentation), the article finds that Mair’s predictions were largely, though not in every detail, right. Ironically, however, we also find that changes in the West tend to match over time the trajectory of the East.

Orbán’s Laboratory of Illiberalism

The reelection of Fidesz leader Viktor Orbán’s government in Hungary in April 2018 has entrenched a hybrid regime within the European Union. This article discusses some of the most crucial factors that have led to Hungary’s democratic backsliding and supplied the institutional and cultural bases of Fidesz’s rule. The authors particularly focus on phenomena that contributed to the party’s third landslide electoral victory, including the rhetoric of identity politics, conspiracy theories, and the fake news industry. While an idiosyncratic sequence of particular events led to the ascendance of illiberal rule in Hungary, the causal factors involved are virtually omnipresent and could therefore lead to similar outcomes elsewhere.

Democratic Backsliding and Academic Freedom in Hungary

The Hungarian government’s discriminatory actions against the Central European University constitute one of the most prominent conflicts between an academic institution and a government today. My contribution gives a detailed account of how the conflict has unfolded so far. Various frameworks of interpretation, including democratic backsliding, cultural war, and international politics are discussed. I place the story of the university in the context of the polarized cultural climate of Eastern Europe and draw attention to the power of universities in collaborating across borders in defense of academic freedom—and freedom in general.

Enyedi Z, Deegan-Krause K. Voters and Parties in Eastern Europe. In: Fagan A, Kopecky P, editors. The Routledge Handbook of East European Politics. London: Routledge; 2017. p. 169-83.

Voters and Parties in Eastern Europe

The Routledge Handbook of East European Politics is an authoritative overview that will help a wide readership develop an understanding of the region in all its political, economic, and social complexity. Including Central Europe, the Baltic republics, South Eastern Europe, and the Western Balkans, as well as all the countries of the former Soviet Union, it is unrivalled in breadth and depth, affording a comprehensive overview of Eastern European politics provided by leading experts in the fields of comparative politics, international relations, and public administration. Through a series of cutting-edge articles, it seeks to explain and understand patterns of Eastern European politics today. The Routledge Handbook of East European Politics will be a key reference point both for advanced-level students developing knowledge about the subject, researchers producing new material in the area, and those interested and working in the fields of East European Politics, Russian Politics, EU Politics, and more broadly in European Politics, Comparative Politics, Democratization Studies, and International Relations.

The Influence of Voting Advice Applications on Preferences, Loyalties and Turnout: An Experimental Study

Voting Advice Applications (VAAs) are increasingly popular, yet little is known about their impact. This article investigates their influence on party choice, party loyalty and electoral participation, relying on a complex experiment conducted before and after the 2010 Hungarian election. Participants were directed to two VAAs, some received advice from one and some from both, while the control group visited none. According to subjective recollections, 7 per cent changed their vote intentions, but according to the panel study the VAAs were unable to direct users to specific parties. Sheer exposure to the advice did not have mobilising or demobilising effects either, but preference-confirming outputs increased party loyalty while preference-disconfirming recommendations decreased it, and double exposure amplified further the impact of the VAAs. Converging advice from two different sources increased the rate of electoral participation, but more by provoking, rather than by persuading, the users.

Paternalist Populism and Illiberal Elitism in Central Europe

Through the analysis of the ideology of two Hungarian parties typically considered as populist, this paper investigates how elitism can be integrated into an overall populist appeal. The two parties, Fidesz and Jobbik, exhibit features of paternalist populism and illiberal elitism while offering different responses to the challenges typically confronted by authoritarian populist movements. With regard to Jobbik, the paper uncovers the existence of three distinct ideologies: right-wing populist; ultra-nationalist; and traditionalist and ‘meta-nationalist.’ The paper directs attention to the layered nature of partisan ideological discourses and assesses the relevance of the analysed model for Eastern and Central Europe.

Party System Closure: Conceptualization, Operationalization, and Validation

The degree of closure of the governmental arena is a central aspect of the stabilization of party systems, and yet little systematic effort has been devoted to its operationalization. The article proposes a new index, examines its reliability and validity, and reports the ranking of 60 party systems. By redefining the units of measurement we suggest new indicators that are uniform and transparent in their logic of construction, can be applied both to specific government-changes and to time periods, and are sensitive to the degree of change. The article finds a hierarchy among the components of party system closure, dominated by coalition formula. While new and established democracies can both produced closed patterns, the analysis of inter-war European party systems shows that closed systems are less prone to authoritarian takeover. The article demonstrates the power of inertia: the completely closed configurations stand out as the most durable ones.

Populist Polarization and Party System Institutionalization: The Role of Party Politics in De-Democratization

The institutionalization of party politics is supposed to contribute to the consolidation of democracies. Analysis of Hungary’s democratic backsliding shows, however, that this is not necessarily the case. This article demonstrates that the combination of populist party strategies, polarized party relations, and the inertia of the party system constitutes a significant challenge (here labeled “populist polarization”) to the consolidation of liberal democracy. After considering the applicability of structuralist and transitologist frameworks to the political dynamics in Hungary, the article differentiates the notion of populist polarization from similar concepts and argues that populist polarization in the region poses a more acute danger to high-quality democracy than the much-feared under-institutionalized and fragmented configurations of party politics.

Party rules, party resources and the politics of parliamentary democracies: How parties organize in the 21st century

This article introduces the first findings of the Political Party Database Project, a major survey of party organizations in parliamentary and semi-presidential democracies. The project’s first round of data covers 122 parties in 19 countries. In this article, we describe the scope of the database, then investigate what it tells us about contemporary party organization in these countries, focusing on parties’ resources, structures and internal decision-making. We examine organizational patterns by country and party family, and where possible we make temporal comparisons with older data sets. Our analyses suggest a remarkable coexistence of uniformity and diversity. In terms of the major organizational resources on which parties can draw, such as members, staff and finance, the new evidence largely confirms the continuation of trends identified in previous research: that is, declining membership, but enhanced financial resources and more paid staff. We also find remarkable uniformity regarding the core architecture of party organizations. At the same time, however, we find substantial variation between countries and party families in terms of their internal processes, with particular regard to how internally democratic they are, and the forms that this democratization takes.

Plebeians, citoyens and aristocrats or where is the bottom of bottom-up? The case of Hungary

This volume, covering twenty-five populist parties in seventeen European states, presents the first comparative study of the impact of the Great Recession on populism. Based on a common analytical framework, chapters offer a highly differentiated view of how the interplay between economic and political crises helped produce patterns of populist development across Europe. Populism grew strongly in Southern and Central-Eastern Europe, particularly where an economic crisis developed in tandem with a political one. Nordic populism went also on the rise, but this region's populist parties have been surprisingly responsible. In Western Europe, populism actually contracted during the crisis – with the exception of France. As for the two Anglo-Saxon countries, while the UK has experienced the rise of a strong anti-European populist force, Ireland stands out as a rare case in which no such a party has risen in spite of the severity of its economic and political crises.

Socio-demographic and psychological determinants of political (in)tolerance: Hungary at the dawn of the 21st century

The paper presents a socio-psychological causal model of political intolerance in Hungary, on the basis of a national random sample survey data (N=1002). The research improves on the existing models in two directions: by constructing a more complete model through inclusion of a wider set of potentially relevant variables, and by using more reliable operationalisation of the examined concepts. The results indicate that political tolerance in Hungary, as defined by the " content free " method, can only weakly be explained by an extensive set of socio-demographic, psychological and political variables. Contrary to the commonly reported results, socioeconomic status variables displayed a rather complex and often direct pattern of influence on political tolerance, while psychological variables proved to be relatively weak predictors. In Hungary, psychological factors have a relatively strong role in determining the choice of target groups and socio-demographic variables have a stronger role in determining the degree of intolerance. In general, the findings suggest that intolerance of different groups is not uniformly related to social and psychological explanatory variables.

Choosing you own boss: Variations of representation foci in mixed electoral systems

Members of parliament are privileged agents. They can choose who to regard as their principal: the entire nation, a particular electoral district or a political party. Focusing on two countries with mixed electoral systems, Romania and Hungary, the article documents the dominance of the electoral logic of role-formation over the constraints of legislative organisation and the influence of socialisation. The focus of representation is found to be only modestly influenced by the degree of the embeddedness of MPs in political structures and hierarchies. The association of the seat with a particular territorial unit, on the other hand, has a robust effect even when this association originates in the political environment and not in formal rules. Finally, the psychological effect of losing a Single Member District is also found to influence how MPs perceive their representative role.

The discreet charm of political parties

The article reflects on Peter Mair's work in addressing the claims of the decline of party thesis. The cartel party model is discussed, the relationship between parties and the state, the collusion of parties, the quality of representation provided by them, their organizational responses to environmental change, and their patterns of competition. Critical assessment of the theoretical arguments and a review of the relevant empirical evidence indicate that parties possess more autonomy and influence than suggested by the decline of party thesis and its attendant components, such as the dealignment model. Some of the commonly cited symptoms of party decline are corroborated, but the article highlights the adaptive organizational and social strategies of parties. These strategies, together with the success of parties in maintaining an essentially bipolar pattern of competition, contribute to the resilience of party politics.

Részvétel, képviselet, politikai változás. Enyedi Z, Tardos R, Szabó A, editors. Budapest: Demokrácia Kutatások Magyarországi Központja Közhasznú Alapítvány; 2011.
Új képlet. Választások Magyarországon, 2010. Enyedi Z, Tardos R, Szabó A, editors. Budapest: Demokrácia Kutatások Magyarországi Központja Közhasznú Alapítvány; 2011.
Sitter N. A magyar pártszerkezet 2010-ban: polarizáltabb, kevésbé plurális. In: Enyedi Z, Szabó A, Tardos R, editors. Ùj képlet: A 2010-es választások Magyarországon. Demokracia Kutatasok MAgyar Kozpontja Alapitvany; 2011. p. 43-57.
Enyedi Z, Casal Bertoa F. Patterns of party competition (1990–2009). In: Lewis PG, Markowski R, editors. Europeanising party politics? Comparative perspectives on Central and Eastern Europe after Enlargement. Manchester: Manchester University Press; 2011. p. 116-42.
Markowski R, Enyedi Z. The quality of social, partisan and governmental representation. In: Lewis PG, Markowski R, editors. Europeanising party politics? Comparative perspectives on Central and Eastern Europe after Enlargement. Manchester: Manchester University Press; 2011. p. 179-217.

Persistent Political Divides, Electoral Volatility and Citizen Involvement: The Freezing Hypotheses in the 2004 European Election

Planned publication date October 2010

Agency and the Structure of Party Competition: Alignment, Stability and the Role of Political Elites

Party competition is constrained by socio-demographic factors, identities and value orientations. The study of the adaptation to these constraints is hindered for three main reasons, each of them primarily conceptual in nature. First, the examination of the various constraints is rarely integrated into a comprehensive approach, and therefore we lack even a vocabulary that could allow us to reconstruct the strategies with which parties respond. Second, scholarship gives too little attention to the relationship between temporal stability on the one hand and the positional alignments that link political behavior with socio-demographic characteristics, values and group identity on the other. Third, the study of the agency of political elites is either neglected, or it is done in an ad hoc way. This article identifies various methods by which elites reshape structures, and it links those to a broader framework that allows more comprehensive research connecting political agents and structural constraints in the electoral realm.

Pártverseny-mintázatok és blokk-politika Kelet-közép Európában (1990-2009) [Party System Configurations and Bloc Politics in Eastern-Central Europe]

The article analyzes the last two decades of East-Central European countries along the principal dimensions of party systems. It also investigates the relation ships among the various attributes of party competition. The authors regard polarization, fragmentation, closure (introduced by Peter Mair) and volatility as principal dimensions of party systems, but they argue that the qualitative characteristics of party relationships are as relevant as these much re search ed standard dimensions. They draw attention and systematically scru tinize questions such as how durable the alliances among parties are, how consequential ideological similarities are in government building, and how many and what kind of ideological camps exist in a given party system. The examination of the data proves that for most of the analyzed period party relations were more crys tallized in Hungary and the Czech Republic than in Slovenia, Estonia, Bulgaria and Latvia, while the other countries of the region were situated between these two groups. With the exception of volatility the analyzed indicators moved rather closely together, indicating that it is legitimate to talk about a syndrome of institutionalization. Since the party elites have relatively little control over volatility, the latter variable is not an integral part of the syndrome.

Enyedi Z. Referendumdemokrácia. In: A népakarat dilemmái. Budapest: Századvég; 2009. p. 17-36.
Enyedi Z. Adversarial politics, civic virtues and party identification in Eastern and Western Europe. In: Bartle J, Bellucci P, editors. Political parties and partisanship : social identity and individual attitudes. London: Routledge; 2009. p. 246-84.
Todosijevic B, Enyedi Z. Postmaterialism and authoritarianism in Hungary. In: Farmen RF, editor. Political culture, socialization, democracy, and education : interdisciplinary and cross-national perspectives for a new century. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang; 2008. p. 77-97.
Enyedi Z. Parties in Eastern Europe : A Post-Transition Assessment. In: Lequesne C, MacDonagh-Pajerova M, editors. La citoyenneté démocratique dans l'Europe des vingt-sept. Paris: Éditions L'Harmattan; 2007. p. 155-71.
Enyedi Z. Stability in the shadow of chaos. In: Hlousek V, Chytilek R, editors. Parliamentary elections and party landscape in the Visegrád Group countries. Brno: CDK; 2007. p. 116-34.
Enyedi Z. Party funding in Hungary. In: Smilov D, Toplak J, editors. Political finance and corruption in Eastern Europe : the transition period. Aldershot: Ashgate; 2007. p. 91-104.
Enyedi Z. Playing with Europe : the impact of European integration on the Hungarian party system. In: Lewis PG, Mansfeldová Z, editors. The European Union and party politics in Central and Eastern Europe. New York: Palgrave Macmillan; 2007. p. 64-85.
Enyedi Z, Tóka G. The only game in town : party politics in Hungary. In: Webb P, White S, editors. Party politics in new democracies. Oxford: Oxford University Press; 2007. p. 147-77.

Viszontválasz Kovács Andrásnak

Kvács András : Még egyszer a magyar antiszemitákról: megjegyzések Enyedi Zsolt irása (Book review : Mérhető és mérhetetlen előítélet) kapcsán & Enyedi Zsolt válasza

Book review : Mérhető és mérhetetlen előítélet

This article reviews the book A kéznél lévô idegenAntiszemita elôítéletek a mai Magyarországon / Kovács András ; Budapest : PolgArt, 2005.

Enyedi Z. Az európai integráció hatása a kelet-európai és a magyar pártstruktúrákra. In: Hegedűs I, editor. A magyarok bemenetele : tagállamként a bővülő Európai Unióban : BA tankönyv. Budapest: Demokrácia Kutatások Magyar Központja Alapítvány; 2006. p. 155-80.
Enyedi Z. Media, Parties and Political Transition : Contrasting Approaches of Sister-Disciplines. In: Stradling R, editor. Crossroads of European histories : multiple outlooks on five key moments in the history of Europe. Strasbourg: Council of Europe; 2006. p. 383-5.
Enyedi Z. A befagyott felszin és ami alatta van : a 2006-os választás és a magyar pártrendszer. In: Karácsony G, editor. Parlamenti választás 2006 : elemzések és adatok. Budapest: Demokrácia Kutatások Magyar Központja Alapítvány; 2006. p. 205-28.
Enyedi Z. The Survival of the Fittest : Party System Concentration in Hungary. In: Jungerstam-Mulders S, editor. Post-communist EU member states : parties and party systems. Burlington, VT: Ashgate; 2006. p. 177-201.
Enyedi Z. The impact of the European Union on party politics in Central and Eastern Europe. In: Lewis PG, Mansfeldová Z, editors. The European Union and party politics in Central and Eastern Europe. New York: Palgrave Macmillan; 2006. p. 231-49.
Enyedi Z. Hungary. In: Lobbying, government relations and campaign finance worldwide : navigating the laws, regulations and practices of national regimes. Dobbs Ferry, NY: Oceana Publications; 2005. p. 141-51.

The role of agency in cleavage formation

Through the analysis of Hungarian politics, this article demonstrates how parties become embedded in the social, cognitive and emotive structures of societies. The role of agency in cleavage formation is addressed, with a special emphasis on the mechanism through which political parties structure their environments. Next to the popularization of conflict perceptions and the consolidation of camp identities, the development of a more elaborate and segmented organizational structure is identified as an integral part of the process of cleavage formation. Such a structure enables parties to forge coalitions among previously separate social groupings and combine group interests into packages large enough to overcome institutional thresholds of power. The findings indicate that parties are potentially able to cross cleavage lines, re-structure relations within the party system and create new associations between party preferences, socio-structural categories and attitudes. Furthermore, parties seem to be able to alter the relationships between psychologically rooted attitudes and social categories. The study also shows, however, that deep-seated socio-cultural divides limit the power of agency even in new democracies.

Érték, értelem, érzelem : politikai pszichológia Bibó nyomán

Bibó díj 2004

Enyedi Z. The contested politics of positive neutrality in Hungary. In: Enyedi Z, Madeley JTS, editors. Church and state in contemporary Europe : the chimera of neutrality. London: Frank Cass; 2003. p. 157-76.
Enyedi Z. Conclusion: emerging issues in the study of church-state relations. In: Enyedi Z, Madeley JTS, editors. Church and state in contemporary Europe : the chimera of neutrality. London: Frank Cass; 2003. p. 218-32.

Book review : The Seeds of Triumph

This article reviews the book The Seeds of Triumph. Church and State in Gomulka’s Poland / by Hanna Diskin ; Budapest : CEU Press, 2001

The contested politics of positive neutrality in Hungary

Special issue entitled : Church and state in contemporary Europe : the chimera of neutrality

Conclusion: emerging issues in the study of church-state relations

Special issue entitled : Church and state in contemporary Europe : the chimera of neutrality

Structure versus culture again: Corporatism and the ‘new politics’ in 16 Western European countries

Abstract. Various authors have hypothesized that corporatist institutional arrangements favor the development of ‘new politics’: new social movements, concern for issues such as peace and ecology, postmaterialist orientation and voting for left-libertarian parties. This article analyzes the relationships between corporatism and ‘new politics’ using Siaroff's (1999) corporatism scores for 16 West European countries and data from Inglehart et al.'s (1998) World Value Survey. The results of the analysis show that corporatism is related to higher membership in peace movements and also to belief in the urgency of ecological problems. However, it is unrelated to postmaterialist values, votes for ‘new parties’, approval of the environmentalist and feminist movements, and willingness to contribute financially to environmental protection. The relationships between corporatism and ‘new politics’ is shown to be somewhat mediated by economic factors, while the hypothesis that postmaterialism is a principal factor behind the popularity of the new social movements is not substantiated.

Enyedi Z. A bíbor koalíció a posztmodern királyságban : Hollandia. In: Johancsik J, editor. Pártok változó szerepben : nyugat-európai tapasztalatok. Budapest: Villányi uti Konferenciaközpont; 2002. p. 145-75.

Authoritarianism vs. cultural pressure

This article addresses the issue of personality vs. cultural norms with regard to two related problems: the relationship between authoritarianism and prejudice, and the empirical foundation of the concept of ethnocentrism. The analysis is based on a survey of anti-Gypsy attitudes in two Hungarian cities, Salgótarján and Sopron. A random sample of 400 adolescents was surveyed, including one parent of each adolescent (total N = 800). The two locations differ in aggregate level of anti-Gypsy prejudice, that is, the anti-Gypsy cultural norm, which allows the use of a quasi-experimental design. The results support the empirical foundation of the concept of ethnocentrism, although it was possible to detect the effect of cultural pressure on the connection between anti-Gypsy prejudice and general ethnocentrism. Concerning the effect of cultural pressure on the relationship between authoritarianism and anti-Gypsy prejudice, the results support the cultural pressure model in the youth samples, but contradict this model in the parent samples. Multivariate causal modeling of the youth anti-Gypsy prejudice shows that in both cities authoritarianism and parents' prejudice are significant direct predictors. However, the role of authoritarianism is considerably weaker under condition of higher normative pressure.

Enyedi Z. A tekintélyelvűség politikai összefüggései. In: Simon J, editor. Ezredvégi értelmezések demokráciáról, politikai kultúráról, bal- és jobboldalról. Vol 2. Budapest: Villányi uti Konferenciaközpont; 2001. p. 495-9.
Enyedi Z, Erős F, Fábián Z. Authoritarianism and prejudice in present-day Hungary. In: Phalet K, Örkény A, editors. Ethnic minorities and inter-ethnic relations in context : a Dutch Hungarian comparison. Aldershot: Ashgate; 2001. p. 201-15.
Enyedi Z. Religious and clerical polarization in Hungary. In: Broughton D, editor. Religion and mass electoral behaviour in Europe. London: Routledge; 2000. p. 157-75.
Enyedi Z, Erős F, Fábián Z. Előitélet és tekintélyelvűség a fiatalok körében. In: Bauer B, editor. Süsü a társadalomban : társadalomismereti olvasókönyv. Budapest: Uj Mandátum; 2000. p. 197-202.
Enyedi Z, Erős F, Fábián Z. Előitélet és tekintélyelvűség a fiatalok körében. In: Gábor K, editor. Társadalmi változás és az ifjúság. Szeged: Belvedere; 2000. p. 161-71.